14 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace workshop, Tunis, December 2018. Tunisia was deeply impacted by the Jasmin Revolution of 2011. As the largest parliamentary force, the self-styled Muslim Democrats had chosen Habib Jemli, an independent, for the post of prime minister. “We are asking them to pay municipal taxes when they do not have enough money to survive themselves,” she said.71, Women and youth have an important role to play in strengthening Tunisia’s political system. By calling on Fakhfakh to step down on 15 July 2020, Saied - a former constitutional law professor who won by a landslide in last year's presidential runoff vote - effectively pre-empted Ennahdha from potentially having the upper hand in the next government's formation. Furthermore, due to the delays in selecting the new ISIE leadership, there has been no broad public campaign notifying Tunisians when voter registration opened, and the phone number used to verify whether you are registered was not working as of March 19, 2019. 8 Sarah Yerkes, “Tunisia’s Parliament Reshuffle,” Foreign Affairs, August 10, 2016, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/tunisia/2016-08-10/tunisias-parliament-reshuffle. script.setAttribute("async", true); Tunisia will be passing Samuel Huntington’s two-turnover test, where democracies “may be viewed as consolidated if the party or group that takes power in the initial election at the time of transition loses a subsequent election and turns over power to those election winners, and if those election winners then peacefully turn over power to the winners of a later election.”86 This has implications far beyond Tunisia’s borders. However, Caid Essebsi has sometimes taken on powers designated to the government, such as pushing for the removal of then prime minister Essid and initiating multiple cabinet reshuffles under current Prime Minister Chahed, whose appointment he also orchestrated. The government lacked effective mechanisms to investigate and punish abuse, corruption, and impunity by police and prison officials, and there was little transparency in internal investigations. Tunisia in North Africa shares borders with Algeria and Libya. The constitution of 1959 granted the president sweeping executive and legislative powers while placing narrow limits on … President Beji Caid Essebsi and his party, Nidaa Tounes, further expanded the political tent in July 2016, creating the Carthage Agreement that formalized the establishment of a National Unity Government (NUG). Moving past the consensus model toward a more traditional form of democratic contestation is a lengthy and difficult process that will require strengthening Tunisia’s political parties and implementing institutional reforms. The Ministry of Interior holds legal authority and responsibility for law enforcement. 18 Nadia Marzouki, “Tunisia’s Rotten Compromise,” Middle East Report Online, July 10, 2015, https://www.merip.org/mero/mero071015. This report offers a comprehensive overview of the situation in Tunisia focusing on the business perspective. If you enjoyed reading this, subscribe for more! A willingness to compromise rescued Tunisia from the unrest and violence seen in other Arab Spring countries like Egypt and Libya. An independent press and a functioning democratic political system contributed to an environment generally conducive to this freedom. 78 “Assemblée,” Majles Marsad, https://majles.marsad.tn/2014/fr/assemblee/classement/557ee88e12bdaa51abece50c. Afek Tounes seems to have the clearest platform, with tangible policy proposals, and is developing an aggressive Facebook and ground campaign to communicate those ideas.31. Tunisia finally has a new government that won a vote of confidence on 27 February 2020, months after the Parliamentary elections held last year in October 2019. Tunisia - Politics. r member of the ty politics in tunisia day Support for Democracy Dwindles in Tunisia Amid Negative Perceptions of Economic Conditions,” Afrobarometer, September 3, 2018, http://afrobarometer.org/sites/default/files/publications/Dispatches/ab_r7_dispatchno232_support_for_democracy_dwindles_in_tunisia_1.pdf. . Investigations into prisoner abuse lacked transparency and often lasted several months and, in some cases, more than a year. 74 “Final Report on the 2014 Legislative and Presidential Elections in Tunisia,” National Democratic Institute, November 20, 2015, https://www.ndi.org/Tunisia-election-report-2014. 75 Sarah Yerkes, “Where Have All the Revolutionaries Gone,” Brookings Institution, March 2017, https://www.brookings.edu/research/where-have-all-the-revolutionaries-gone/. Political Islam in Tunisia uncovers the secret history of Tunisia’s main Islamist movement, Ennahda, from its origins in the 1960s to the present. politics of Tunisia, most notably found in political history, citizens’ attitudes, and the implementation of a new Constitution. Sarah Yerkes and Zeineb Ben Yahmed, “A Profitable Gamble,” Diwan (blog), Carnegie Middle East Center, November 19, 2018, https://carnegie-mec.org/diwan/77741. While some parties have effectively used social media, many young people feel that parties use youth for campaigns and then discard them after election day.77, Nonetheless, since 2016, younger people have been brought into the political scene, evidenced by the appointment of Youssef Chahed, Tunisia’s youngest prime minister, and the average age of his recent cabinet (forty-eight years old). These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. A local official described the council meetings and citizen engagement meetings as “boring,” arguing that if she cannot get excited about them, why should the citizens?70 Furthermore, many Tunisians have a hard time understanding the benefit of local government and therefore are hesitant to give their time or money to local initiatives. The policies that emanated from the power-sharing agreement blocked, postponed, or reversed core demands of the 2010–2011 uprising for change. A year later, the party decided to dissolve and merge with Al-Irada. 55 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace workshop, Tunis, December 2018. . Lastly, the court should ensure that the president does not encroach on the duties of the government. Tunisia’s ambassador to the UN, Tarek Ladeb. Consequently, they sometimes seek additional funding from abroad, leading to accusations that they are foreign tools rather than domestic bodies. While all politicians agree that these actions are necessary to the healthy functioning of Tunisia’s democracy, the actions have become highly politicized, leaving parliament deadlocked. Another consequence of the consensus model is that the coalition has avoided structural economic reforms, such as reducing the size of the public sector and fighting corruption, which would have fostered economic growth and entrepreneurship.11 The ruling government has so far failed to bring about the two most essential 2011 revolutionary demands: work and dignity.12 Indeed, by most economic indicators, the socioeconomic situation in Tunisia has worsened since 2014. . In addition, the entire political apparatus is hamstrung by a lack of adequate human and financial resources to allow lawmakers and executive officials to make informed decisions based on the needs of their constituents. While Saied is the head of state, his mandate is constitutionally limited to foreign affairs and defence. Over the years, President Bourguiba stood unopposed for re-election several times and was named "President for Life" in 1974 by a constitutional amendment. ), which threatened civil peace in 2013. Despite the success we achieved since 2011, trust in the electoral process is diminishing. Between juggling the needs of Tunisia's international lenders and allaying local grievances, authorities have managed to present a semblance of stability in the Arab world's only democracy. Tunisia’s progress since the revolution in 2011 makes it … Tunisia was the epicenter of the 2011 Arab Spring protest movement that swept through North Africa and led to the ouster of President Ben Ali and later to the downfall of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Moreover, Tunisia's independence struggle had been a political maneuver rather than a military encounter, and it had united the country without causing the mass destruction suffered, for example, by neighboring Algeria in its own agonizing war of independence. This is one of the many negatives of this framework.”14 An international diplomat agreed, noting, “If every decision is made by consensus, it allows political leaders to avoid responsibility for taking decisions.”15, Not only has the Ennahda-Nidaa alliance failed to achieve its intended goals in the name of consensus, it has also threatened the democratic process by adopting regressive laws that reverse progress on revolutionaries’ aims. The ruling party, Nidaa Tounes, is a case in point. 10 Boubekeur Amel, “Islamists, Secularists and Old Regime Elites in Tunisia: Bargained Competition,” Mediterranean Politics 21, no. 1881 - French troops occupy Tunis. In 2018 alone, there were more than 9,000 protests, signaling a massive erosion of trust between the public and the political system.44. He has several enumerated powers in the constitution, including serving as the commander in chief of the armed forces, declaring war, appointing the grand mufti, and appointing and dismissing certain senior officials within the presidency. From July 25, 2013 until December 15, 2013 Tunisia’s major political actors sought to negotiate an exit from political paralysis, which froze the … Since 2011, Tunisia has endured rounds of political crises, assassinations, mass protests and the worrying departure of hundreds of its citizens to join the ranks of the Islamic State. Along with the high number of independent candidates, they represent new voices on the political scene who are not seen as tied to the party structures at the national level. Adopted in 1959, it is even today still periodically amended and updated. The Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT), the most prominent labor union and a member of the National Dialogue Quartet, is in a strong position to be an intermediary between the public and the government. These bodies help build credibility among the public for the democratic transition and help protect Tunisia from forces that wish to see a return to authoritarianism. As Tunisia marks the 10 th anniversary of its 2011 revolution, NDI continues to partner with Tunisian citizens and civic organizations to foster a more competitive and representative political environment where political parties compete on behalf of citizens’ interests, legislators address constituent needs, and civil society engages actively in political and electoral processes. Political Deadlock and Political Exclusion. Stay on top of Tunisia latest developments on the ground with Al Jazeera’s fact-based news, exclusive video footage, photos and updated maps. Sarah Yerkes is a senior fellow in Carnegie’s Middle East Program, where her research focuses on Tunisia’s political, economic, and security developments as well as state-society relations in the Middle East and North Africa. Politicians need civil society actors to keep them honest. The prospect of new elections was said to have deterred Ennahdha and other parties from rejecting Fakhfakh's government. While trust in the political system is low, Tunisians tend to have faith in civil society, which can help bolster political parties and institutions. A lot is riding on the 2019 elections. With this in mind, Yassmine decided to take part in the Tunis School of Politics (TSoP), a platform for young politicians, run by our Tunisian partner, the Centre des Études Méditerranéennes et Internationales (CEMI), with support from NIMD and Demo Finland.. New knowledge and new perspectives Argument | Daniel Brennan , Miguel de Corral It may also turn voters away from the democratic process toward other ways of expressing dissatisfaction with the state of affairs. Political divisions in parliament mean the task won't be an easy one — and a failure to form a government could lead to an early election. 37 In 2015, Marzouki founded a new political party, Al-Irada, composed mainly of former CPR members. During a Carnegie Endowment for International Peace workshop in Tunis, a Tunisian analyst noted that people have been “desperate and disappointed at times, but are now optimistic” about reaching the right balance between centralization and decentralization.64 Large numbers of youth and women participated as candidates and were elected in May 2018, due in part to progressive gender parity requirements and a youth quota (see Box 1). 12 Sarah Yerkes and Zeineb Ben Yahmed, “Tunisians’ Revolutionary Goals Remain Unfulfilled,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, December 6, 2018, https://carnegieendowment.org/2018/12/06/tunisians-revolutionary-goals-remain-unfulfilled-pub-77894. 66 Authors’ interview with a local official, Bizerte, December 2018. The parliamentary election in October 2019 led to a divided parliament where no party garnered more than a quarter of the seats, which complicated efforts to form a stable government. But “local officials are under the most pressure of anyone in Tunisia—they do not have the tools, means, or position to do” what they need to do.61 The mayor of Bizerte, a traditionally marginalized city on the northern coast, noted that Tunisia was a highly centralized state for sixty years, so it is difficult to remove the reflexes from the old system.62. 35 Boukhars, “The Fragility of Elite Settlements in Tunisia.”. As one public official put it, Tunisia went through a “dark time in 2011, 2012, and 2013 (political assassinations, major protests, raising the black Salafi flag in universities, etc. No political parties are headed by a woman, and no woman has been president or prime minister. The court should also oversee parliament and the executive branch, making sure that they carry out their duties according to the constitution, including providing adequate time for public review of draft legislation and complying with the asset declaration law. This could easily be interpreted as a rejection of the entire political class.49 Thus, it is not surprising that overall support for democracy dropped from 70 percent in 2013 to 46 percent in 2018.50 Meanwhile, the support for democracy’s alternatives—such as military rule or one-party rule—has reached 47 percent and 41 percent, respectively.51 As a civil society actor from the long-marginalized rural city of Sidi Bouzid, where the uprising started, said, “Our elected political leaders must find solutions for the deep problems, as for now they are detached from the sufferings of everyday people.”52, Institutional reforms will be crucial to moving the country forward and reversing the current trend of public disillusionment. Local officials, Bizerte, December 2018 and December 2018 force, the court should ensure that anger... Owed for services because people refuse to pay these entities to provide on. 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